let us examine with statistical data the view that the ring

let us examine with statistical data the view that the ring

    Finally, let us examine with statistical data the view that the ring
    frame was adopted to resolve the problem of a scarcity of skilled
    labour, or to take advantage of cheap female labour. As was discussed
    above, there is no doubt that operation of the mule required skilled
    labour. As a result mules were not operated at high productivity
    levels in 1884, since there were serious shortages of experienced
    labour: one spindle produced only 24 momme of yarn in one day (100
    momme = 0.827 lb or 375g). The ring frame would allow the immediate substitution of unskilled women for skilled men, who were
    difficult to find, but it does seem highly doubtful that this was the
    main reason for choosing the ring frame because the female worker
    ratio in mule mills followed the same trend as the female worker
    ratio in the industry as a whole. For example, although the female
    worker ratio in mule mills in 1884 was evidently far lower than in
    ring frame mills in 1890, by around 1890 the ratio in mule mills had
    risen. Moreover, given that production per spindle increased at the
    same time by 2.5 times, it does not seem that the lack of skill of male
    workers was the only reason for low productivity. In addition, in
    neither of the years 1890 and 1893 was the difference in the female
    worker ratio between mule mills and ring frame mills statistically
    significant (at a 95 per cent level, as are other significance tests below),
    and therefore it is difficult to believe that the female worker ratio
    was determined merely by the machines' technological characteristics. In other words, it does not necessarily follow that the replacement of skilled male workers by unskilled female workers arose
    because of the switch from mules to ring frames, and therefore it is
    doubtful that the reason for switching to ring frames was to employ
    female labour intensively. In short, the development of the widespread use of cheap female labour occurred once the ring frame had
    been chosen: indeed, the development was merely one of the adjustments made to use the ring frame more effectively. This aspect,
    however, is related to other variables of the production structure and
    so needs to be examined in a wider context (i.e., by using multivariate
    analysis). 
    Now let us examine a little more closely the changes in production
    structure that accompanied the introduction of the ring frame. There
    are three further points arising from a study of Table 4.1 that should
    be mentioned in relation to the foregoing discussion. The first is that,
    as is expected, the wages of men working in mule mills were higher
    than the wages of women working in ring frame mills (the difference
    is statistically significant). Moreover, because there is no significant
    difference between the wages of women working in a mule mill and
    women working in a ring frame mill, it seems that the mule was by
    and large operated by skilled men (in 1890 the difference between
    wages of men in mule mills and wages of men in ring frame mills was
    significant at a 90 per cent level, but in 1893 it was statistically insignificant). Over time there was a tendency for the wages in mule mills
    and wages in ring frame mills to equalize. While wages were rising
    for women working with either type of spinning machine in the relatively large-scale mills such as Kanegafuchi, Osaka Boseki, Mie Boseki
    and Naniwa Boseki, a tendency for intercompany wage differentials
    to widen had also started.
    The second point is that although it is thought that the price of
    ring-spun yarn was higher than the price of mule-spun yarn, as was
    the case for imported mUle-spun and ring-spun yarn, the difference
    in price is not statistically significant. The third point is that, as has
    already been mentioned, there was clearly a large difference (statistically significant) in average yarn count and output per spindle
    between the mule and the ring frame. Let us focus on average yarn
    count. It should be stressed that, although there was a clear rise
    (statistically significant) in the ring frame's average count over the
    years 1890-3, even by 1893 it was languishing at between 17 and 19
    in the 'proper' mills such as Osaka Boseki, Kanegafuchi and Settsu
    Boseki.
    Let us turn to operating hours. Since 1890 happened to be a recession year, some of the mule mills (four out of 11) were using a twoshifts system. In 1893, however, all mills except for two (out of 38)
    had introduced a night work shift. The night work shift was first used
    by Kuwahara Boseki in 1883. Then its use spread first through the
    relatively large-scale mills, such as Osaka Boseki, Mie Boseki and
    Temman Boseki, followed by the small scale 'Model Ten' spinning
    companies. By 1889 at the latest, the night work shift had become
    a firmly established practice and it could be viewed as one of the
    distinctly Japanese types of adaptation. 
    The production structure is determined not only by the technological factors peculiar to a particular type of spinning machine, but also
    by factors common to the whole industry. As those common factors
    are correlated with other factors, the nature of the production structure can only be understood adequately using multivariate techniques.
    The nature of the production structure of both the mule mills and the
    ring frame mills can be measured and identified by the generalized 
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